Melanie Mitchell, an External Professor at the Santa Fe Institute, provides a quick description of how the study of complexity can influence our understanding of the world in "How Can the Study of Complexity Transform Our Understanding of the World?" A short excerpt:
The “study of complexity” refers to the attempt to find common principles underlying the behavior of complex systems—systems in which large collections of components interact in nonlinear ways. Here, the term nonlinear implies that the system can’t be understood simply by understanding its individual components; nonlinear interactions cause the whole to be “more than the sum of its parts.”
Complex systems scientists try to understand how such collective sophistication can come about, whether it be in ant colonies, cells, brains, immune systems, social groups, or economic markets. People who study complexity are intrigued by the suggestive similarities among these disparate systems. All these systems exhibit self-organization: the system’s components organize themselves to act as a coherent whole without the benefit of any central or outside “controller”. Complex systems are able to encode and process information with a sophistication that is not available to the individual components. Complex systems evolve—they are continually changing in an open-ended way, and they learn and adapt over time. Such systems defy precise prediction, and resist the kind of equilibrium that would make them easier for scientists to understand.
Most discussions of complexity go without a very good definition of what complexity is, so Mitchell's essay is certainly valuable in helping us focus on exactly what we mean by "complexity."
Nassim N. Taleb provides his own description of the essential features of complexity in Antifragile:
The organic-machanical dichotomy is a good starter distinction to build intuitions about the difference between two kinds of phenomena, but we can do better. Many things such as society, economic activities and markets, and cultural behavior are apparantly man-made but grow on their own to reach some kind of self-organization. They may not be strictly biological in that, in a way, they multiply and replicate - think of rumors, ideas, technologies, and businesses. They are closer to the cat than to the washing machine but tend to be mistaken for washing machines. Accordingly we can generalize our distinction beyond the biological-nonbiological. More effective is the distinction between noncomplex and complex systems.
Artificial, manmade mechanical and engineering contraptions with simple responses are complicated, but not "complex," as they don't have interdependencies. You push a buttom, say, a light switch, and get an exact response, with no possible ambiguity in the consequences, even in Russia. But with complex systems, interdependencies are severe. You need to think in terms of ecology: if you remove a specific animal you disrupt a food chain: its predators will starve and its prey will grow unchecked, causing complications and series of cascading side effects. Lions are exterminated by the Canaanites, Phoenicians, Romans, and later inhabitants of Mount Lebanon, leading to the proliferaton of goats who crave tree roots, contributing to the deforestation of mountain areas, consequences that are hard to see ahead of time. Likewise, if you shut down a bank in New York, it will cause ripple effects from Iceland to Mongolia.
In a complex world, the notion of "cause" itself is suspect; it is either nearly impossible to detect or not really defined - another reason to ignore newspapers, with their constant supply of causes for things (Taleb 2013, 56).
The notion of complexity and its implications for our cheished notion of causality has important implications for what it means to understand the world. The idea that in order to have knowledge of the world, we have to know its causes dates at least as far back as Plato's "Meno," and Aristotle provided a mature description of the doctrine in The Physics:
For the point of our investigation is to acquire knowledge, and prerequisitve for knowing anything is understanding why it is - in other words, grasping its primary cause. Obviously, then, this is what we have to do in the case of coming to be and ceasing to be, and natural change in general. Then, once we know the principles of these things, we can try to analyze anything we are looking into in terms of these principles (Aristotle. Phys II.3.194b18-22, trans. Waterfield).
The attempt to try and discover general causes of things within a complex system shall always fail. Whereas we can provide a general discription of a complex system like an ecosystem, as Taleb did above, we can never identify the exact causes. Instead, all we can do is to point out that there were certain patterns of events which lead to the creation of the world as we see it, and to humbly accept that we shall be able to go no further than that rough description. Rather than trying to understand those systems in terms of the arrow of causality, we can only understand them in terms of patterns, and that is how the notion of complexity should change our basic world view.
Bibliography
Aristotle. The Physics. Translated by Robin Waterfield. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996.
Taleb, Nassim Nicholas. Antifragile. New York: Random House, 2013.
Liberty, and Prudence in Policy: The Case of Marijuana
In a post responding to the severe criticism David Brooks has received on his own unfortunate column arguing against the legalization of marijuana, T.N., a blogger at The Economist’s “Democracy in America” blog, comes to his defense in “Marijuana Legalisation: Sort of In Defense of David Brooks.” There he argues that while Brooks’ point certainly could have been better argued, that Brooks certainly had a point which is often neglected in the tide of increasing support for legalization.
The most noteworthy part about the blog post, though, does not have to do with the topic of cannabis, or David Brooks. It is that T.N.’s post is paradigmatic of a certain mentality about policy. That mentality is the belief that policy is about a matter of utilitarian calculus. A good piece of legislation is therefore one that encourages the general welfare while a bad piece of legislation, vice versa, is one that diminishes the general welfare. T.N. advocates for such an understanding when in writing:
According to this view, a politician’s craft is a matter of prudence - defined by Aristotle as being “about human concerns, about things open to deliberation” (Nicomachean Ethics 1141b). When legalizing marijuana, then, politicians have to weigh the benefits of its legalization compared to those of its prohibition, and if those benefits outweigh the costs, then the legislation should be passed.
Completely lacking from T.N.’s account of legislation, though, is any voice for the presumption of liberty. The idea that the prudential decision ought to, by principle, be left to the person who shall serve to reap the decision’s fruit is not be to found there. Nowhere in T.N.’s appraisal of legalization does the columnist seem to consider the idea that people ought to be free to destroy themselves. Instead, politicians stand above their citizens, to ensure their happiness. When the columnist addresses the choices of individuals, it is only with respect to either minimizing or maximizing their utility: “Moreover, lots of people smoke marijuana because they like it; the drug therefore has a ‘utility function’ that ought to be factored in to any cost/benefit analysis.”
That is a dim view of human free will. A cost/benefit analysis from on high simply looking at people as utility maximizers fails to capture the full tapestry of human motivations across society, and it fails to consider the multiplicity of motivations for why people would make their own prudential choices. The presumption of liberty, though, acknowledges that, and in acknowledging it, respects human beings as free to their own prudence lest a grave concern overwhelm that presumption.
The presumption of liberty alone, not the politician’s prudence, should be the reason for the legalization of cannabis. It is not that marijuana does no more harm than alcohol, or that marijuana might even have positive effects across societies, but that people should be given the respect that they deserve, and that no one should claim to make the prudential decision to partake in drugs for them. There is simply no scope for a superior in politics to interfere with that decision, and so there is no reason why politicians need to deliberate about it. It simply should not be their decision to make.
Humanity is, at heart, a species with a deep impulse towards self-destruction, and if someone desires it, he will be able to achieve it through one means or another. Talk about the political prudence of legalizing marijuana does nothing to address that. Prudence is a matter of proper deliberation, but there is no strong reason for why the choice of whether to smoke marijuana should not be made by politicians, especially when it comes to the well being of individuals.
The fact shall always remain that if people are to be free to choose virtue, they must be free to choose vice. Whether it is the case of the problem of evil or the legalization of drugs, people are free agents whom need to be respected as free agents. Ensuring the integrity of what Adam Smith called “the obvious and simple system of natural liberty” which liberals should be the primary concern of politicians, matters of prudential legislation only following after that. As far as the legalization of marijuana, it would be one small way forward towards ensuring the existence of that system of liberty. It isn’t for no reason that The Economist named Uruguay its country of 2013 for enacting such an “obviously sensible” change.
Posted by Harrison Searles on 01/06/2014 at 11:00 AM in Aristotle, Choice, Commentary, Law, Neither Angel nor Devil, Political Philosophy, Presumption of Liberty | Permalink | Comments (0)
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